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Rwandan President Paul Kagame meets with President Félix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo ahead of the 74th United Nations General Assembly in 2019. |
From plane crashes to COVID complications, over twenty of President Tshisekedi's allies died in the course of just one year.
In the course of just one year - from June 2019 to May 2020
- an alarming twenty-plus
people in President Félix Tshisekedi's immediate entourage died.
These deaths have ignited various conspiracy theories and shine a light on the
grim reality of politics in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
The series of deaths began in June 2019, five months after
Tshisekedi took office, when Monique
Kitoko, a 47-year-old official in the president's Union for Democracy
and Social Progress (UPDS) party, died of a heart attack. Then in October,
an Antonov
plane carrying members of the presidential staff crashed in
Sankuru province.
Since the start of this year, the president has lost several
more colleagues to deaths attributed to COVID-19.
This list includes at least five
advisers - Maitre Jean-Joseph Mukendi Wa Mulumba, Jonas Shamone,
Cesar Kalala, Jean Pierre Westhi, and Charles Kilosho - as well as his uncle,
Bishop Gérard Mulumba, and another one of his bodyguards. Bishop Mulumba's
chief-of-staff Josias Shamuana Mabenga died shortly after too.
The causes of death of some other presidential allies remain
unclear. These include: Louis Tshiyombo Kalonji, an adviser to the president;
Julio Kapeta, Tshisekedi's cousin; Ekumani Wetshi, assistant director of
communication; and Bernard Tshilumba, another bodyguard. Finally, Léon Lukaku,
head of counter-espionage in the National Intelligence Agency, was
reportedly assassinated in
March.
Sparking conspiracy theories
This series of deaths has fanned the flames of suspicion,
especially as the deceased were all close to the president and from his home
province of Kasaï. As a figure close to the UDPS commented:
"The head of state has only lost his closes associates. And, they want us
to believe that Mr. Coronavirus is the presumed assassin."
This speculation has been fed by various inconsistencies and
rumours. For instance, the death of Gilbert Mundela, an adviser and relative of
the president, was attributed to COVID-19 but this was refuted by those close
to the deceased, including his mother.
Some have also pointed to allegedly suspicious behaviour or
patterns. For example, it has been reported that Defence Minister Aimé Mukena,
a close ally of former president Joseph Kabila, was originally scheduled to
travel on the plane that crashed in October 2019 but that he changed
plans at the last minute. The president of the African Association
for Human Rights (ASADHO), Jean-Claude Katende, publicly and cryptically cast
doubt on the deaths of Bishop Mulumba and his chief-of-staff too, tweeting:
"Anyone who is intelligent can understand."
Others have noted that the string of high-level deaths
stopped - with one key exception - after Tshisekedi's then chief-of-staff,
Vital Kamerhe, was arrested on charges of
embezzling nearly $50 million in April 2020. The one exception was the sudden
death of Raphael
Yanyi, the judge presiding over Kamerhe's trial. The justice died just
two days after the Kamerhe's first hearing in May 2020. It was initially
announced that he had died of a heart attack but the autopsy soon
revealed that he'd received several blows to the head.
Infighting and rivalries
In June 2020, President Tshisekedi's special advisor in
charge of universal health coverage, Roger Kamba, said the high-level deaths
would be officially investigated. He explained that the inquiry would "analyse the
rumours circulating on social networks reporting repeated deaths by
poisoning". Since then, Kamba has refused to
provide more specifics and results of the investigation are still pending.
Whether or not there is any truth to the conspiracy
theories, however, their spread and the form they have taken reflects the
helplessness and anger many people have with Congolese politics. The past
decades have been characterised by corruption scandals, patrimonialism and the
lack of rule of law. Meanwhile, several elections are widely believed to have
been fraudulent.
Following the most recent poll in late-2018, Joseph Kabila
finally stepped down amid heavy pressure from both inside and outside the DRC.
However, the president of 18 years ensured he could continue to wield
significant power even after leaving office. He allegedly manipulated the
election to secure victory for Tshisekedi and guaranteed that his own party,
the Common Front for Congo (FCC), won a majority in the legislature.
The new president has therefore been constrained by his
predecessor since taking office. Tshisekedi has also had to balance interests
within his own side. During the 2018 campaign, for instance, Tshisekedi
reportedly promised the position of prime minister to fellow opposition leader
Vital Kamerhe. On assuming the presidency, however, Tshisekedi realised that he
could not fulfil this promise given the FCC's control of the legislature.
Instead, he made Kamerhe his chief-of-staff.
In this position, Kamerhe reportedly clashed with other
presidential advisers, many of whom were from Tshisekedi's Luba ethnic
group. This context has fuelled conspiracy theories about Kamerhe's involvement
in the series of deaths.
Regardless of the cause of the mysterious series of deaths,
it is clear that despite Kabila stepping down, Congolese politics remains
characterised by clientelism, internal tensions, competing allegiances and
mistrust. The difficulty of governing in such a context cannot be overstated,
particularly considering the various crises facing the DRC. This includes a
mounting death toll in the eastern provinces due to conflict, chronic poverty,
the COVID-19 pandemic, and a brutal colonial legacy.
The Congo's entrenched system of patronage and
high-level competition further limits the ability to rule effectively. Despite
being one of the richest countries in terms of minerals, the population rarely
sees this wealth. Rather, in such a clientelist system, access to the state is
a highly coveted means of securing resources for personal gain.
Georges Kasongo Kalumba holds
a PhD in political science and sociology from the University of Lubumbashi and
is a professor at the University of Lubumbashi in Haut-Katanga, DRC. Lisa Jené
holds a PhD in political science from Claremont Graduate University and is a
consultant in Washington, DC.
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