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Migrants onboard a Dutch-flagged rescue vessel off Malta’s coast in the Mediterranean in January.CreditCreditSergey Ponomarev for The New York Times
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By Matina Stevis-Gridneff
BRUSSELS — For three years, the
European Union has been paying other countries to keep asylum seekers away from
a Europe replete with populist and anti-migrant parties.
It has paid Turkey billions to keep refugees from
crossing to Greece. It has funded the Libyan Coast Guard to catch and return
migrant boats to North Africa. It has set up centers in distant Niger to process asylum
seekers, if they ever make it that far. Most don’t.
Even as that arm’s-length network comes
under criticism on humanitarian grounds, it is so overwhelmed that the European
Union is seeking to expand it, as the bloc aims to buttress an approach that
has drastically cut the number of migrants crossing the Mediterranean.
It
is now preparing to finish a deal, this time in Rwanda, to create yet another
node that it hopes will help alleviate some of the mounting strains on its
outsourcing network.
Critics say the Rwanda deal will deepen
a morally perilous policy, even as it underscores how precarious the European
Union’s teetering system for handling the migrant crisis has become.
Tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers remain trapped in Libya, where a
patchwork of militias control detention centers and migrants are sold as slaves
or into prostitution, and kept in places so packed that there is not even
enough floor space to sleep on.
A bombing of a migrant detention center in July left
40 dead, and it has continued to operate in the months since, despite part of
it having been reduced to rubble.
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Asylum seekers at a United Nations compound in Niamey, Niger, in 2018.CreditDmitry Kostyukov for The New York Times |
Even
as the system falters, few in the West seem to be paying much attention, and
critics say that is also part of the aim — to keep a problem that has roiled
European politics on the other side of Mediterranean waters, out of sight and
out of mind.
Screening asylum seekers in safe,
remote locations — where they can qualify as refugees without undertaking
perilous journeys to Europe — has long been promoted in Brussels as a way to
dismantle smuggler networks while giving vulnerable people a fair chance at a
new life. But the application by the European Union has highlighted its
fundamental flaws: The offshore centers are too small and the pledges of
refugee resettlement too few.
European
populists continue to flog the narrative that migrants are invading, even
though the European Union’s migration policy has starkly reduced the number of
new arrivals. In 2016, 181,376 people crossed the Mediterranean from North
Africa to reach Italian shores. Last year, the number plummeted to 23,485.
But the bloc’s approach has been
sharply criticized by humanitarian and refugee-rights groups, not only for the
often deplorable conditions of the detention centers, but also because few
consigned to them have any real chance of gaining asylum.
“It starts to smell as offshore
processing and a backdoor way for European countries to keep people away from
Europe, in a way that’s only vaguely different to how Australia manages it,”
said Judith Sunderland, an expert with Human Rights Watch, referring to that country’s
policy of detaining asylum seekers on distant Pacific islands.
Such
criticism first surfaced in Europe in 2016, when the European Union agreed
to pay Turkey roughly $6 billion to keep asylum seekers from crossing
to Greece, and to take back some of those who reached Greece.
On
the Africa front, in particular in the central Mediterranean, the agreements
have come at a lower financial cost, but arguably at a higher moral one.
Brussels’ funding of the Libyan Coast
Guard to intercept migrant boats before they reach international waters has
been extremely effective, but has left apprehended migrants vulnerable to
abuses in a North African country with scant central governance and at the
mercy of an anarchic, at-war state of militia rule.
A handful are resettled directly out of
Libya, and a few thousand more are transferred by the United Nations refugee
agency and its partner, the International Organization for Migration, to a processing center in Niger. Only some of those have a
realistic shot at being granted asylum in Europe.
With many European Union member states
refusing to accept any asylum seekers, Brussels and, increasingly, President
Emmanuel Macron of France have appealed to those willing to take in a few who
are deemed especially vulnerable.
As Italy has continued to reject migrant rescue vessels from
docking at its ports, and threatened to impose fines of up to 1 million euros,
about $1.1 million, on those who defy it, Mr. Macron has spearheaded an
initiative among European Union members to help resettle migrants rescued in
the Mediterranean. Eight nations have joined.
But ultimately, it’s a drop in the
bucket.
An estimated half a million migrants
live in Libya, and just 51,000 are registered with the United Nations refugee
agency. Five thousand are held in squalid and unsafe detention centers.
“European
countries face a dilemma,” said Camille Le Coz, an expert with the Migration
Policy Institute in Brussels. “They do not want to welcome more migrants from
Libya and worry about creating pull factors, but at the same time they can’t
leave people trapped in detention centers.”
The
United Nations refugee agency and the International Organization for Migration,
mostly using European Union funding, have evacuated about
4,000 people to the transit center in Niger over the past two years.
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The Spanish migrant rescue ship Open Arms near the Italian island of Lampedusa in August.CreditAlessandro Serrano/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images |
Niger, a country that has long served
as a key node in the migratory route from Africa to Europe, is home to some of
the world’s most effective people-smugglers.
The capacity of the center in Agadez,
where smugglers also base their operations, is about 1,000. But it has at times
held up to three times as many, as resettlement to Europe and North America has
been slack.
Fourteen countries — 10 from the
European Union, along with Canada, Norway, Switzerland and the United States —
have pledged to resettle about 6,600 people either directly from Libya or from
the Niger facility, according to the United Nations refugee agency.
It has taken two years to fulfill about
half of those pledges, with some resettlements taking up to 12 months to
process, a spokesman for the agency said.
Some
countries that made pledges, such as Belgium and Finland, have taken only a few
dozen people; others, like the Netherlands, fewer than 10; Luxembourg has taken
none, a review of the refugee agency’s data shows.
Under the agreement with Rwanda, which
is expected to be signed in the coming weeks, the east African country will
take in about 500 migrants evacuated from Libya and host them until they are
resettled to new homes or sent back to their countries of origin.
It will offer a way out for a lucky
few, but ultimately the Rwandan center is likely to run into the same delays
and problems as the one in Agadez.
“The
Niger program has suffered from a lot of setbacks, hesitation, very slow
processing by European and other countries, very low numbers of actual
resettlements,” said Ms. Sunderland of Human Rights Watch. “There’s not much
hope then that the exact same process in Rwanda would lead to dramatically
different outcomes.”
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